Una vita in Africa – A life in Africa Rotating Header Image

Una nuova famiglia per gli indesiderati – A New Family for the Unwanted

Padre Biseko con una giovane malata mentale

Bernadette is blind. Thirty years ago, when she was a young nurse she could not rid herself of the malaria that was infesting Musoma—her home town on the Tanzanian bank of Lake Victoria—and so she began taking an ever-increasing dose of quinine which resulted in irreparable damage to the optic nerves.
Now her hair is gray, and she sits quietly with a serene smile on the doorway steps of the home that once was hers—a simple room of walls built of clay bricks, covered with a tin roof. But all around, what was once a vegetable garden, are now other rooms with an enclosed courtyard, a little chapel in one corner and on the opposite side a kitchen, not far away from the showers and toilets. Everything is tidy and clean, and there is just what is essential, in true African traditional style, Franciscan I would say.
The only sign of modernity is the grinding mill—powered by a small electric motor and situated next to the dust road that crosses the area—which attracts a constant flow of customers who come to grind their maize for their daily mealie meal.
On the doorsteps of other rooms, there are people who suffer from various types of disabilities, some most serious, and a handful of school-age children. In all, a few more than twenty people.

The soul of this small community is father Geofrey Biseko, a Tanzanian diocesan priest who has dedicated his life to giving a family life to those who have been abandoned by their own families.
‘It was January 1988’ recounts Father Biseko, ‘and at that time I was a young priest. The bishop had asked me to be his secretary and the vocation promoter of our diocese. On Sundays I used to go out to celebrate Mass, replacing a missionary or a priest who was absent because of illness or on overseas leave. One Saturday I met a leper who lived on charity, and I read in his eyes a desperate appeal. That night I could not sleep. I felt called to do something, but I did not know exactly what. The next morning at Mass I said to the faithful that we were to allow ourselves to be challenged by the words of Jesus, that the gospel had to penetrate our life. I spoke to them, but above all I spoke to myself. At the end of the Mass I invited those who felt inspired to do something for the most poor and abandoned, to meet me the following Saturday. Twelve people came. It was the first of a series of signs that slowly made me understand that my vocation was to serve the poor and the abandoned. We began to pay visits to the poor who lived in the streets, and it was then that Bernadette offered her home and the ground around it for our purpose. Some people began to donate unwanted clothing and others brought us food.
In 1994, the bishop relieved me of other duties and since then I live here, helped by four men. Slowly other rooms were added as we were receiving donations, and we have learned to live by sharing the little that is offered by others, particularly by the Christians in our neighborhood. There is nobody in* *our neighborhood that is rich, but we receive enough to live on, occasionally we benefit from a donation from overseas, such as the one that enabled us to buy the grinding mill.
Now we have a bigger home 20 km from here with about one hundred guests and fifteen women who attend to them. There too there are little rooms without lights and water, the chapel and the kitchen shared by everybody and the refectory where there is even a light operated by a solar panel. To live together does good to them but especially to us. People call us /Watumishi way Upendi/, which means the Servants of love. That is all.’
Father Biseko gives the short summary of his twenty years of service in his office, a room with two old couches covered in dust due to the cracks in the door and the gaps between the walls and the tin roof. He then takes me around the courtyard where he greets everybody. There are some who are severely handicapped, others who are deaf and dumb from birth, and another one who has lost all reasoning through family tragedy and now he looks with vacant eyes, repeating a string of incomprehendible words. Surprisingly, one does not feel overtaken by desperation but is instead impressed by the simplicity and spontaneity of their relationships. This is truly a new family.
Father Biseko shakes hands with everybody, exchanging a few words with them. He has a happy smile that is contagious. Meanwhile he tells of his sorrow seeing how people have lost their traditional values and reject persons—such as those he has welcomed in his community—who have become too big a burden and abandon them in the streets or just outside the entrance of Father’s home.
‘Fortunately, up to now we have managed not to refuse anyone, even though in these past years we have received two or three new people a month.’ Father Biseko has only one regret: to have failed with the street children. There are only a few here at Musoma, but in spite of his many attempts to assist some of them, they never stayed in his home for more than a few weeks. Today, there are six or seven street children living in the community, and they are enjoying themselves making drawings. One of them is busy drawing with colours what can be guessed is the scene of Saint Francis talking to the birds. Here, Francis is a familiar saint and much at home.
I leave the small courtyard with the satisfying feeling to have met a living cell of the genuine African church. A small church that loves, that walks with the poor, that works from the grassroots without making noise.
How many experiences are there in Africa similar to that of Father Biseko? I know a few, but even if this had to be the only one, it is a luminous sign that contrasts with other weaknesses in the Church.
Will these experiences be brought up at the next African Synod to be held in Rome in October and entitled ‘The Church in Africa at the service of reconciliation, justice and peace’? I sincerely hope so. Speeches and documents that come from the Episcopal conferences, international meetings and peace negotiations will not be able to achieve justice and peace—though at times they may be helpful. A just and peaceful world will be built above all through the dynamic love of many more individuals following the model of Father Biseko.

NB. I asked Fr. Biseko “Could you give me a contact, like your email? I would like to put it in my blog, so that those who want to contact you could do so. Maybe some will have questions, others would like to support you”. His answer was ” I am a local chicken. I was born a few hundred meters from here, I have lived here all my life, I do not have a computer, an email address or anything like that. My contact? Diocese of Musoma, P. O. Box 93, Musoma, Tanzania”.

Due piccoli ospiti

Due piccoli ospiti

Ancora sui Bambini di Strada

Alessandra Raichi ha speso un po del suo tempo con noi durante luglio e agosto scorsi, ed ha fatto foto di bambini di strada con espressioni straordinariamente intense, come quella qui sotto. Alcune accompagnano un articolo che si trova qui:

http://blog.panorama.it/mondo/2009/02/17/nairobi-vita-da-street-children/

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Kibera: The Correct Numbers

Kibera: The Correct Numbers

How many people live in Kibera? Whenever I have been asked this question over the last two or three years, my answer has always been, “Many say one million, but I believe it is an exaggeration. I would think they are seven or eight hundred thousand.” However, I had no data to support my claim, and on the other side, it is difficult to swim against the tide: the first ten results of a basic Google search for Kibera estimate the number of the slum’s inhabitants at around one million.

Whenever I have found a chance, I have always wished and suggested that it would be very interesting to have “the biggest slum in Africa South of the Equator” mapped scientifically.
Well, Stefano Marras finally did this work in the middle of last year. A mapping specialist, Marras trained some local personnel and worked closely with them to verify the data collected. In the process, his person – with his notebooks and questions – became a part of the Kibera scenery.

A first brief description of Marras’ work is reported below. In his final statement, Marras wrote:
“…Looking upon the data reported above, and considering that type, dimension and distribution of the buildings observed in Kianda is typically the same in the whole slum of Kibera, it is possible to make a guess about the numerical dimension of its population. Considering that its area of Kibera is set between 2.3 and 2.5 sq km, the total population living in the slum can be most likely estimated between 220,000 and 250,000 people”.
Surprising? Not really. For certain, politicians, NGOs, and the Kibera residents themselves have an interest in inflating the numbers, not only for a kind of prestige derived from the fact of living or operating in a slum with a record population, but also because high numbers attract attention and hopefully, funding. The mass media, which also loves records, is very often lazy when it comes to serious verification of information. When a journalist gives inaccurate facts and goes unchallenged, many others will often repeat it and the wrong information acquires a life on its own.

Other questions immediately come to mind. Is Kibera the only Nairobi slum with an overestimated population? Certainly not, and the estimates of the population of other Nairobi slums should be proportionally reduced. This can be done through a simple operation: open Google Earth, measure the area covered by Kibera and the area covered by other slums, then make a proportion. In fact, the population density per square kilometer does not vary significantly, given that housing models are identical in all the slums. This simple operation could immediately show that, anyhow, Kibera has the unenviable record of being the biggest slum in Nairobi by far. Another support to this comes from the fact quoted in a note by Marras, where it is clear that there is a great discrepancy between the “estimates” and surveys done with a little more seriousness.

Does this mean that several “facts” that we have repeated like parrots over the past few years – such as the preconception that two thirds of the Nairobi population lives in the slums – are not true? Not necessarily. This estimate is most probably close to reality because there are gray areas that are not considered slums, but where a large chunk of the inhabitants live in shacks. These include Kawangware, Umoja, Dandora, Riruta and some others. Still, it would certainly be necessary to do proper research before giving out numbers.

There are more questions coming to mind that require serious research. For instance, how many people voted in Kibera during the last election? I would not be surprised if the number of voters was higher than the number of inhabitants according to Marras’ estimate…and this is one of the reasons why the numbers could be inflated. Another interesting question is: who pockets the money from the rents? According to Marras, 96 percent of all Kibera residents pay rent to someone else, and in Kianda alone, the monthly total of the rents paid is around 53,000 euros. In Kenya, and even in Europe, this is a considerable amount of money!
In short, we hope the research done by Marras can be extended to the whole of Kibera and enriched by other data, like, for instance, concerning the presence of NGOs, health and educational services, civil society groups and so on.

There is a last important note. Marras did this work with funds from a scholarship, using an amount that in the average project financed by any European country would fall under “contingencies” or “stationery”. Yet he has accomplished a task of great value and that is scientifically outstanding, such that from now onwards, no government or NGO project conducted in Kibera can afford to disregard his data.

All the same, Marras has not found anybody ready to finance the continuation or extension of the research to other parts of Kibera. Is it possible there is no foundation out there, a serious research institution or cooperation office that is interested in the completion of this research? Obviously, I am not referring to the Italian Cooperation, since we know that with the present Italian government, the funds allocated for international cooperation have been reduced once more, and Italy, in terms of percentage of the IGP  given to international cooperation,  is amongst the last in the world.


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Giustizia e pace, cioè chiesa

The best thing about the next African Synod is the aptness of the theme chosen by Pope Benedict XVI, “The Church in Africa in Service to Reconciliation, Justice and Peace”.
The theme hits the nail on the head. Issues of reconciliation, justice and peace are of extreme importance in the present African society, and the Catholic Church has the both right and the moral authority to address them. There are few African institutions, if any, that can compare their record with that of the Church on these matters.
The Church’s record is not merely composed of official declarations, theological books, seminars and symposia. It is also made up of the sweat and blood of hundreds and thousands of people and communities that have given their energies, their love and in some cases their lives at the grassroots level in order to build a just, reconciled and peaceful society despite the enormous difficulties they have had to fight against.
Even at the level of the hierarchy the efforts were notable. It is enough to think of the actions and positions taken in Mozambique, Sudan, in the Democratic Republic of Congo and in Northern Uganda.
Particularly enlightening is the case of the post-election violence in Kenya. When the rioting began, the Catholic Church, as with most Christian Churches, was kind of taken by surprise and was unable to deliver positive leadership. But even in that moment of confusion, hundreds of grassroots faithful did the right thing: they preached peace, encouraged reconciliation, sheltered those rendered homeless and opened their homes to the wounded. For a few weeks, it was a case of the sheep knowing what to do while the shepherds were confused.
Now, six months after Kenya’s post election violence was halted, tens of thousands remain huddled in displacement camps, relegated to an undesirable identity as refugees in their own country. As the new coalition government busies itself with routine governance and the dissipation of sporadic political mini-storms, the country’s Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) are increasingly becoming a forgotten, sidelined group.
The IDP issue was relegated to the sidelines almost as soon as the dust from the ethnic skirmishes that killed an estimated 1500 Kenyans and drove another 350,000 from their homes settled, and a power sharing agreement created a coalition government headed by President Mwai Kibaki and Opposition leader Raila Odinga.
When the two leaders unveiled a 42 member coalition cabinet, the local media denounced it as “bloated” and many civil society organizations chided them for being insensitive to the economic implications of such a large cabinet.
Eager to get their new administration up and running, the two leaders hurriedly implemented a slapdash plan to have the IDPs immediately returned to their homes and farms.
Some legislators implored the executive to shelve the resettlement plan until all the factors that had precipitated the unprecedented bloodshed had been examined and resolved to prevent any future resurgence of such deadly turmoil.
Kibaki and Odinga ignored these pleas and sent army trucks to ferry the IDPs from the camps to their homes. Television images showed IDPs crowding around tarpaulin-covered trucks with deserted Red Cross tents in the background. Images of teenagers hoisting themselves to the backs of the trucks and women handing their crying babies to armed paramilitary officers before being helped to climb onto the trucks by good natured men with outstretched hands signaled hope. For a moment, it appeared as though the resettlement program had been a success.
Yet, murmurs that IDPs in some camps were being intimidated to leave surfaced almost immediately. These allegations remained unsubstantiated until Medicines Sans Frontiers (MSF) reported that it had witnessed government officials and armed police forcing people to vacate a camp in Western Kenya.
The Kenya Red Cross Society estimated, in mid-July, that nearly 70,000 IDPs remain stuck in refugee camps across the country. A chunk of these IDPs were frightened into returning after being welcomed with death threats by their ethnocentric neighbors.
A meaningful compensation for the IDPs is not forthcoming and meanwhile, Prime Minister Odinga, supported by legislators from the Rift Valley province, stoked controversy when he called for a general amnesty for suspects detained over the post election violence “in the name of reconciliation”. This proposal was roundly rejected by President Kibaki.
Pundits argue that the amnesty debate is informed by the fact that most of the detained suspects were from the Rift Valley, while most of the victims and IDPs were from Kibaki’s Kikuyu community. This implies that each side of the debate is tied by an obligation to “agitate” for “their people”
On the whole, the plight of the IDPs has slowly faded away from public consciousness and it is now used for political purposes..
The Church has however remained consistent in its pursuit of the issue, offering concrete assistance to the victims and reviving efforts for reconciliation and peace education.
In fact, the church has been active in promoting ethnic tolerance on a grassroots level long before, during and after the post-election violence. The Catholic Religious Superior’s Council has for instance worked to identify the roots of Kenya’s historical ethnic clashes, and has suggested measures to rescue the country from this circle. Its key proposals include poverty alleviation, the writing of a new constitution, the decentralization of political power, the formation of a truth and justice tribunal and the nurturing of responsible media practice.
Moreover, Parishes, Small Christian Communities and Religious Communities, were among the few institutions that took active action in the course of the post-election violence, providing shelter and all manner of support to the victims. The Catholic diocese of Eldoret especially made a great effort to provide accommodation, food and clothing to thousands of IDPs camping at its Sacred Heart Cathedral, and currently, Bishop Cornelius Korir and the Diocese are engaged in serious peace and reconciliation campaigns to mobilize the public against “tribalism” as a wrong perception of ethnicity.
Cardinal John Njue, as chairman of the Kenya Episcopal Conference, on June 16 rejected the call by some politicians for the extension of a general amnesty to all perpetrators of the killings and internal displacement that followed the 2007 election dispute, and rightly so, since impunity is a longstanding problem from the past that must be overcome.
A national faith-based peace building initiative to promote healing and reconciliation was also inaugurated on April 18 – a collaboration among a number of Catholic institutions coordinated by the Kenya Episcopal Conference. The initiative seeks to work with national leaders towards peace, healing and reconciliation amongst Kenya’s diverse ethnic communities, with particular emphasis being placed in the worst-hit areas of Nairobi, Nakuru, Kericho, Kitale, Eldoret, Kisumu and Kisii.
For certain, the Church and its leader have made some mistakes, the greatest being a failure to perceive how ethnically charged last year’s election campaign had become. Yet all the Christian churches, including the Catholic Church, have – since calm resumed in the country – asked the Kenyan people to forgive them for their lack of discernment and leadership, unlike the politicians who incited their supporters to violence yet now sit in Parliament and hold ministerial positions after consigning the IDP issue to gather dust on the shelves.
The statement issued at the end of the AMECEA Bishops’ Plenary Assembly also seems to have benefited from the Kenyan lesson. It is remarkably clear and concrete, with a serious political – in the best sense of the word – slant. It asks for the establishment of parliamentary liaisons offices and for observer status at the African Union and regional bodies. The statement further commits catholic institutions to get involved in the formation of leaders, and goes as far as asking Catholic lay professionals “to provide competent analytical data in order to help the church make informed and timely interventions.” It also calls on Catholic institutions, “to develop workable strategies and mechanisms for monitoring and evaluating the effectiveness of our pastoral programs”.
Because of this fundamental consistency, long term focus, grassroots commitment and strong charitable activities that do not discriminate between ethnic and religious affiliations, Christian churches, – and it is important to underline churches, that is to say the major historical christian churches, with their lay memebrs – in spite of shortcomings, have kept a high reputation in most African countries. They remain the best placed institutions to compel African governments to redraw policies for the protection of the poorest and most vulnerable groups, and it hope that the Synod will help to sharpen their understanding and to increase their effetiveness.

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